Writing an Historiographical Essay
Dr. David Kenley's History Courses
Marshall University
According to Jules R. Benjamin, historiography is "the study of changes in the methods, interpretations, and conclusions of historians over time." He continues:
"As historians examine secondary sources, they become aware that earlier studies of the subject they are pursuing often came to surprising conclusions. For example..., 'Reconstruction' refers to the period in U.S. history just after the Civil War when the defeated South was under the political control of the victorious North. For the first time in U.S. history, black people, many of them former slaves, were allowed to be elected to and hold political office. Almost all the books written on this subject prior to the 1930s (whether by northern or southern historians) concluded that southern politics was corrupted and made ineffective during the post-Civil War period by selfish northerners and ignorant black southerners. Since the 1950s, however, scholars have come to very different conclusions. Most now believe that black people's participation in southern government was a healthy development and that the standard of politics in the South was generally equal to that of other regions of the nation at that time. ...Most scholars now conclude that an understanding of the racist attitudes toward African Americans does much to explain the negative conclusions of earlier historians. Historiography, then, is and example of historians using the tools of historical research to study themselves" (Jules R. Benjamin, A Student's Guide to History [Boston, Bedford Books, 1998], 15-16.).
In addition to studying the historiography of your topic, you should also discuss the current state of research. What are the ongoing debates? What are the varying approaches to the subject? Who are the leading researchers in the field? For example, if you were doing your paper on the 1911 Revolution in China, you might prepare an outline delineating the major debates and contributions to the subject. This outline could then be used as a hand-out during class, and could form the basis for your final paper. Such an outline may look as follows:
An Historiographical Outline of the 1911 Chinese Revolution
by
David L. Kenley
The relevance of some of Sun's programs, particularly in light of their application to Taiwan, have been convincingly demonstrated. Sun's priorities and value-preferences, even while he was fully engaged in the struggle for power, promised a more constructive, more rational, and more humane type of leadership than has usually appeared in post-World War II developing countries (153).
"In the past I have stressed the ambiguities in Sun's political writings and speeches, and considered his ideological efforts as lacking sophistication. While recognizing the heroic qualities of Sun's persistent struggle for the modernization of China, and while acknowledging the objective constraints under which he labored, I tended to dismiss the three principles as being too generalized.
"At this time, given the benefit of hindsight, I am
convinced that there is an advantage in a synthetic, generalized formula that
posits specific goals but allows for divers institutional arrangements for
their realization" (165).
1911 was not a "bourgeois revolution." Though the bourgeoisie participated, their role was not vital.
The period between 1898 and 1911 witnessed a rapid shift in China from traditionalism to radicalism. The group of men most involved in this shift have a great deal in common with later radicals, particularly the leaders of the New Culture Movement and the Communists (xx).
There was a partial collapse of some institutions but not a revolutionizing of very many. It might even be wiser to ask why the Ch'ing dynasty lasted as long as it did rather than why there was a revolution (229).
If the T'ung-meng-hui intellectuals' share in the 1911 revolution has to be subject to a high discount rate, it should not be wiped off the board. After all, they accomplished many of the institutional changes they desired (230).
Anti-imperialism and anti-Manchuism, combined with the modern concepts of nation and sovereignty, and were fused with a program of armed conspiracy, modern Chinese nationalism was born. The revolutionaries also laid the ground for republicanism, representative government, and socialism. Many of these values and goals came from the modern West (231-232).
This period also witnessed the emergence of the "radicalism
of impotence," or a "radicalism whose intensity is inversely
proportionate to its practical possibilities."
1900 was the major turning point of modern Chinese history. In the years leading up to 1911 there were mass demonstrations, boycotts, and acts of heroism. Other elements of "modernity" include communication advances, new political organizations, the growth of Chambers of Commerce, the development of provincial and national assemblies, a rapidly expanding franchise, the emergence of modern-style newspapers and journals, and the beginnings of disciplined and reliable armies.
"The point is that the roots not only of the post-1919
phases but of the post-1949 phases of the Chinese Revolution lie in the first
decade of the twentieth century."
Though not a bourgeois revolution, 1911 was not a traditional rebellion. This revolution touted democracy, liberty, and independence. As such, the 1911 revolution represented something new and unique.
Denies that it was a bourgeois revolution since it was not for
the bourgeoisie but for all classes, that is, the nation as a whole.
After 1949 the KMT applied Sun's ideas with successful results (xxv). These ideas, first attempted in 1911, were truly revolutionary.
"Merely because it could not establish a new regime immediately, we should not deny the significance of the revolution between 1911 and 1913. The 1911 Revolution was not a failure. It was an unfinished revolution. Since it succeeded in overthrowing the Qing dynasty, which was the primary object of the revolutionaries, the 1911 Revolution could by no means be considered a failure. The 1911 Revolution should be regarded as the starting point of an 'unfinished revolution'" (255-256).
Shanghai
Intellectuals, not the followers of Sun Yat-sen, were the true
revolutionaries of the early 20th century. They were not
well-organized, however, which in part explains the failed
1911 revolution.
Bourgeois
revolutionaries started and led the 1911 Revolution.
These individuals were motivated by a desire to create a
democratic state that would be strong enough to regain
economic rights such as railway rights in Sichuan.
Sun Yat-sen was a marginal figure in the revolution and the subsequent orthodox interpretation of the movement was an "unconvincing conspiracy theory, designed to promote the political legitimacy of the Guomindang and of Sun Yat-sen himself" (129-130).
"The election of Sun Yat-sen resulted from a series of
opportunistic political maneuvers. It
was part of a larger political effort to resolve the conflicts among the
revolutionaries and strengthen their hand for negotiations with Yuan Shikai.
Everyone knew that the real political game was elsewhere:
in the provinces, or in the political bargaining between the southern
provinces and Yuan Shikai. Electing
a president was a sideshow. That
is how the position fell to Sun Yat-sen" (148).
Fearing
losing their power, the gentry belatedly supported the 1911
rebellion. Their participation, however, made the
rebellion much more conservative. In other words, it was
a dynastic revolution, not a socio-political revolution.
Besides the gentry, those who joined the revolution were
motivated by anti-Manchu nationalism, and they were not
necessarily committed to great social and economic change.
The period between 1898 and 1911 witnessed a rapid shift in China from traditionalism to radicalism. The group of men most involved in this shift have a great deal in common with later radicals, particularly the leaders of the New Culture Movement and the Communists (xx).
There was a partial collapse of some institutions but not a revolutionizing of very many. It might even be wiser to ask why the Ch'ing dynasty lasted as long as it did rather than why there was a revolution (229).
If the T'ung-meng-hui intellectuals' share in the 1911 revolution has to be subject to a high discount rate, it should not be wiped off the board. After all, they accomplished many of the institutional changes they desired (230).
Anti-imperialism and anti-Manchuism, combined with the modern concepts of nation and sovereignty, and were fused with a program of armed conspiracy, modern Chinese nationalism was born. The revolutionaries also laid the ground for republicanism, representative government, and socialism. Many of these values and goals came from the modern West (231-232).
This period also witnessed the emergence of the "radicalism of impotence," or a "radicalism whose intensity is inversely proportionate to its practical possibilities.
Rankin, Mary Backus. Early Chinese Revolutionaries: Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911. 1971.
Shanghai Intellectuals, not the followers of Sun Yat-sen, were the true revolutionaries of the early 20th century. They were not well-organized, however, which in part explains the failed 1911 revolution.
Zhang Kaiyuan. Xinhai Geming yu jindai shehui [The 1911 Revolution and modern society]. 1983.
Critical of Zhang Yufa's "revolution for all classes" theory. It was a bourgeoisie revolution.
Jin Chongji. "The 1911 Revolution and the Awakening of the Chinese Nation." Eto and Schiffrin, eds. The 1911 Revolution in China. 1984.
The 1911 Revolution was a patriotic movement. Individuals turned to Sun Yat-sen's movement not out of revolutionary conviction but because of frustration with the reformists. It was a bourgeois democratic revolution.
The revolution was not a thoroughgoing revolution, and it did not accomplish its historic task. The fundamental problems of the revolution remained unsolved. "A major reason was the political weakness of the bourgeois revolutionaries who led the revolution. They tried their best to deliver China from the misery brought by imperialist aggression but were not courageous enough to face up to the imperialists" (14).
Kojima Yoshio. "The Chinese National Association and the 1911 Revolution." Eto and Schiffrin, eds. The 1911 Revolution in China. 1984.
The
Chinese National Association (Zhongguo guomin hui) was
established with the principal aim of saving the country.
The association succeeded in stirring up revolutionary
sentiment through the establishment of branches, gymnastic
association, and militia as well as a national army (186).